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Phraates sent then an embassy to protest resources in case of an armed conflict in Armenia. Thus, Plutarch indicates how after having received Orobazes, Parthian The success of the change in strategy was reflected in the ambassador, he humiliated him publicly putting him at the same pact agreed by Augustus and the Parthian king Phraates diplomatic level as Ariobarzanes, king of Capadocia, a small allied state of Rome. An attitude that provoked critical IV in 20 BC. Augustus recovered the military standards comments for his arrogance and that cost the life of the lost in the campaigns of Crassus and Anthony, as well as ambassador, executed by his monarch on his return to Parthia for having allowed such humiliation.

For an analysis of this episode: Lerouge , 45 — Lerouge , 43 — 93; Sherwin—White , et seq. For more details on the Euphrates as limit between Rome and Parthia, vid. Facella ; Sommer It was a great Armenia had already revealed itself as strategically diplomatic success, which Augustus divulged as a victory important, and both Lucullus and Pompey were driven to and sign of the submission of Parthia to Roman will. The intervene in the area against the powerful Armenian king conditions imposed in the pact and the subsequent Tigranes II.

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Nevertheless it was only after the 1st C AD propaganda conveniently coincided with a moment of that Armenia became the main battle field. In this regard, internal weakness and dynastic crisis affecting the Rome was always fully aware of the need to hold Parthian throne Lerouge , — This elements of influence and power over Armenia, as a situation was increased when Phraates IV sent on his own counter—weight to the traditional Arsacid influence in the initiative his nine sons and grandsons as hostages — one territory Cizek , In fact, from this point was later claimed by the Parthians during another dynastic onwards, Rome directed its foreign policy in Armenia crisis between AD 6—9.

At a first glance it would seem according to three possible main lines of action: that with Augustus Rome did impose certain superiority over Parthia, at least at a symbolic level, expressed in the — Military conquest and submission of Armenia. In reality, the — Real sovereignty through the imposition of a roman situation was not what it seemed. This was certainly not a situation that Nevertheless there is one aspect of this entire situation agreed with the Parthian monarchs, generating constant that is really interesting for us and it is when Rome instability and conflict in the area.

The first great moment imposed a monarch on a foreign throne to serve its of crisis took place under Tiberius and Artabanus III, interests. The measure was popular among Roman emperors imposing his own son. The ensuing conflict ended in the and became one of the main instruments of political negotiation between Vitellius and Artabanus and the propaganda, displayed on architecture, sculpture, and restoration of peace conditions Bivar , 73 — 76; especially on coins In our case, it is related to the Lerouge , Thus, after the pacts signed by the princeps, throne, a clear indication that the conflict was far from armed conflict between Romans and Parthians was resolved.

For Rome the Parthian question remained a abandoned for a time. However frictions between the two priority. In spite of the fact that armed conflict was powers were shifted to another territory that would avoided, the aim was to constantly promote internal strife concentrate most of the military activity of the following in the Parthian kingdom, as seen in the actions of Tiberius century, becoming a real hotspot in the east: Armenia.

It and Claudius, who in different occasions supported the was a strategically positioned kingdom that acted as a causes of royal hostages in Rome attempting to take over buffer state, separating Rome and Parthia between the the Parthian throne Lerouge , This was the areas of the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, which historical context that framed the Roman—Parthian War controlled direct passage both to Asia Minor and Syria that would take place after Vologases I rose to the Roman territories and to Media Parthian territory.

In Parthian throne in AD Nero vs Vologases: the Roman—Parthian War for 17 Maybe the most famous example of this propaganda would be Armenia the system of symbols associated to the August of Prima Porta statue, where appears the image of the defeated Parthian, giving With Vologases begins a period of consolidation and the standards to the Roman emperor. On this symbols and its development of Parthian power after years of internal interpretation problems, vid. This monarch attempted to recover the past glory of 18 In fact, contemporary authors like Strabo, Pompey Trogue or the Parthian kingdom, based on three objectives: Velleius keep referring in its writings to Rome and Parthia as the biggest empires of the world, therefore showing that it did not — Iranization of the state, reflected, for example, in the exist an image of Roman superiority on Parthia: Lerouge , As previously — Internal stabilization to put an end to the chronic mentioned, when Nero came into power, he was dynastic problems that had affected Parthia in the last confronted by the forwardness of Vologases I, who had decades.

To achieve this, Vologases placed his brothers imposed his own candidate, Tiridates, on the Armenian Pacorus and Tiridates on the Median and Armenian throne, clearly breaching the agreement reached with thrones respectively Wolski , Nero was therefore obliged to also launch an offensive campaign in the area, which initiated the — Aggressive foreign policy in Armenia, where Roman—Parthian War of AD 54— The emperor Vologases imposed his brother on the throne, breaking decided to reinforce the position of his vassal states, with the existing agreements with Rome Wolski , placing several pro—Roman monarchs on the thrones of Once in power, Vologases attempted to hostages, while putting his armies in the hands of a impose his brother Tiridates on the Armenian throne and reputed general, Corbulo, who had already served to that effect invaded the region.

He expelled Radamist, Claudius. The sources detail how the general trained his who in turn had deposed Mithridates and managed to be legions harshly, although during the first part of the war accepted by Rome. After a series of military actions, AD 55—56 he avoided armed conflict, preferring to Tiridates finally defeated Radamist and imposed himself negotiate with Tiridates in Armenia, a tactic which would as king, a situation which greeted Nero at the beginning prove to be the predominant strategy throughout the war.

Although the Parthians withdrew for a time, peace negotiations were not fruitful, and in AD 57 Tiridates Nero, emperor between AD 54—68, is one of the most took over the throne once more, giving way to the first debated Roman figures. The polemic originates in the violent confrontation. Indeed, if ever there was an emperor despised brother Tiridates alone in Armenia. Corbulo then led a and mistreated, as much by the classical sources as by triumphal march over Armenia between AD 58—60, modern scholarship, it is without a doubt Nero, who has taking over the two main cities, Artaxata and been characterized as sadistic, degenerated, matricide, Tigranocerta.

Afterwards Nero decided to continue with etc Furthermore he has been described as a bad the political tradition initiated by Augustus and placed governor, who took many of his political decisions Tigranes V on the Armenian throne, a former hostage of according to personal interest rather than for the good of Rome and member of the royal family of Cappadocia. So the empire Van Overmeire , — The biased Nero opted for the second line of action: real sovereignty vision given of the emperor by the classical sources is over Armenia.

Tigranes V was supported by extremely problematic. Nevertheless recent approaches to legionaries, auxiliaries, and the forces of the study of his biography have reviewed this image and neighbouring vassal states This state of affairs did not reclaimed his role as an emperor, attempting to favour the Parthians and Tiridates immediately undertook understand the context of his actions and highlighting his a failed attempt in AD 60 to recover the throne.

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However achievements and innovations On this question, vid. Barret Vologases unleashed a described in the literary sources that have been used to great attack on two fronts: Armenia, expelling Tigranes support such different interpretations. In general his orders completely, and finally accepting a shameful surrender The efficiency of his measures were in AD 63, asking Nero to recognize Tiridates as king of never put to test, since Vologases was forced to withdraw Armenia.

Nero did not only deny their petition, but temporarily due to a revolt led by his son Vardanes. Everything indicates that Nero responded swiftly and adequately to the situation in Armenia. Tacitus describes the tensions The principal sources of information are the classical between the generals when the time came for Vologases texts Suetonius in the Life of Twelve Caesars; Cassius to relieve hostages, in order to know with whom of them Dio in Book LXII of Roman History; and especially these hostages had to stay.

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For with negative consequences. He reconciled classic works on the emperor, present him as a capable both generals by bestowing upon them identical honours, and intelligent ruler. This image has been rejected by showing sagacity and political vision in times of military other authors, who place the success of his campaign on campaign. It was a actions as negligent and damaging for the development of victorious campaign for the Romans, taking the cities of the war Hammond Some have even pointed out Artaxata and Tigranocerta Ann.

At the very that the victory was actually Parthian, while Rome beginning both generals avoided direct conflict, preferring suffered an important setback in foreign affairs Lerouge minor skirmishes and practical guerilla warfare. Tiridates He with the Caudine Forks Ann. Ceasar, instead of spilling more blood Tac. On the other hand, nowhere in the sources can it be confrontation should be avoided at all costs by discerned that Nero and Corbulo were seriously at odds. It seems therefore that distinguished with the governorship of Syria, an Nero finally chose the third line of action nominal extremely high ranking position, which de facto allowed sovereignty to deal with the Armenian question.

This him to retain control over the Euphrates border.

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Incursions into Adiabene offered the action. After such a decisive victory, it became Vologases, to launch a new campaign aimed at regaining necessary to decide on how to organize the new political the Armenian throne Tac. At this point situation in Armenia. Nero and Corbulo had different Corbulo asked for help and Nero sent Caesennius Paetus opinions on what measures should be taken, a to direct part of the troops.

For example, Hammond points out his bad conflict. Such an insight is impossible to prove; it originates It appears that Corbulo, encouraged by his military from the image portrayed of Nero by the classical sources.

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A change thought is generally accepted and particularly felt in the was almost taken towards the first line of action, conquest, which would have converted Armenia into a 32 And that will continue in the future, as will show the inability Roman province. Basically because we do not see consisted on placing on the Armenian throne a monarch what benefit will obtain Rome of this provocation, which will generate a situation that could break the balance existing in the chosen by Rome.

We think that rather it was an individual action on the part of the new Armenian Differences in opinion between emperor and commander monarch, moved by the need to guarantee his new position. A did not necessarily stem from personal dislike. The reliable information of what really happened in their next section will concentrate on this issue with more military campaigns Millar a, Firstly, the general proved great defeat when leading the Roman forces in Armenia, himself incapable of running the campaign efficiently.

The Nevertheless his appointment was not random or Roman commander was clearly inept, lacking caution and impulsive; Nero was merely satisfying the request of his military ability. Nevertheless it is worth noting other main man in the east, Corbulo. The emperor reacted aspects that led to his disaster. For instance, Tacitus swiftly, faced by a complicated situation and the demands stresses the personal problems existing between of his general, showing coherence in his decisions and Caesennius Paetus and Corbulo and openly speaks of their trust in Corbulo.

The mistake lay in the specific choice of mutual dislike for each other. It is an interesting fact, military command. Likewise other aspects must be taken because Corbulo had also fallen out with his previous into consideration that did not involve the emperor peer, Ummidius Quadratus. Paetus reproached Corbulo directly, such as the friction between the two generals, for not having sealed a real and definite victory over the caused by their different characters and personal Parthians Ann. On the other hand, Corbulo was ambitions. In according to Tacitus, when things started getting fact, the provincial governor and the Parthian king agreed complicated for Paetus, Corbulo preferred to delay his to put an end to hostilities.

The Romans would withdraw intervention in order to increase the glory of his future from their positions over the Euphrates, while the victory. Parthians would abandon their garrisons in Armenia Ann. Nor was Nero asking for Tiridates to be recognized on the throne. Nero interpreted the letter as a mock asking to confirm a Paetus also decided to send false reports to Nero, reality that already existed de facto. He rejected the speaking of great victories and progress in Armenia, when Parthian request and decided to consult on the next step to his initial military movements had not been successful at take among the principal Roman citizens Tac.

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Millar has Therefore, the problems experienced throughout the studied the role played by these imperial councillors Roman world to convey information across great Millar a; Millar b. Based on literary sources, distances was definitely another influencing factor. In the author claims that questions related to military and fact, during the early imperial period, with military foreign affairs were closely linked to the emperor. If there command still in the hands of senators not belonging to was a select group of secretaries or specialists dealing with these affairs, no evidence has survived to prove it.

In the Parthian forces, since Vologases already did not have to be dependent on distractions as the Hyrcanian revolt Farrokh 36 , In fact, the Roman—Parthian war of Nero was the last great 35 And, in fact, he was not lacking certain reason, since Corbulo military campaign in the East directed by this type of had conquered Artaxata and Tigranocerta without practically commands, not linked to the imperial house Millar b, Therefore, in our opinion, Millar a, The fact that Nero consulted with Tacitus is probably a more reliable source.

The Nero finally resolved to go to war and for that purpose description of the ceremony may be found in Suetonius granted Corbulo absolute powers, which gave him the Nero. Both authors coincide in the kings and tetrarchs, as well as all governors, procurators grandiloquence of the event and Dio quotes that it cost the and praetors from neighbouring provinces. Tacitus states Roman treasury 80, denarii From this point onwards, Corbulo The importance of the ceremony must have been very threatened the Parthians with open war by unleashing a great, both for Nero and the Parthians.

This moment has series of small attacks that spread fear among the enemy.

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